Your search within this document for 'master' resulted in 13 matching pages.
1

“...- minded me, at every turn, of my boyhood pleasure watching a big field rat caught in a trap, rushing at the bars, and grind- ing his teeth at me. For all that, there is a coarse low cunning in the performance that is typical of Master Pierce. He strikes the attitude of having been victimized because he de- sired to impart accurate, exact, truthful information to the members on the'matter of the Daily People, whereas the fact is that what he sought to do was to stampede the Party mem- bers into abandoning the Daily People upon an inaccurate, inexact and untruthful presentation of the situation, in that all that made against the Daily People was exaggerated, and all that was in its favor was suppressed. Possibly, some un- guarded members may be caught by this birdlime. If so, you will get questions, and may have to knock him off that false posture. I presume you will get a copy yourself, and then you will see all its beauty spots. I c.ant part with mine. It is killing to see...”
2

“...WITH DE LEON SINCE '89, 29! assembly of the order, General Master Workman Terrence V. Towderly was defeated for that office and James R. Sovereign elected in his stead. Sovereign was flesh of the flesh and bone of the bone of Powderly. The downfall of Powderly brought about chiefly by the Socialists under De Leons generalship was meant to ke a lesson to Sovereign. Sovereign did not heed the lesson. The same corrupt practices of Powderly and his satellites were repeated by Sovereign and his gang. In 1894 the con- vention of the Knights of Labor, or the general assembly, as it was called, was held in New Orleans. Sovereign was taken to task by De Leon and his Socialist co-delegates, and an- other chance was given him upon his promise to mend his ways. Sovereign and the general officers of the order gave a pledge to the Socialist delegates to let them name the editor of the official journal of the Knights of Labor. Sovereign broke his pledge. He knew, no doubt, that with...”
3

“... Socialist Labor Party would stay in the field until it had fulfilled its mission. Whatever weak spot there was in the S. L. P. membership was of course now discovered There were those who could not remain with an organization that had a world of enemies to fight against; these soon left the party pe Leon worked with greater zeal than ever. His editorials in the Daily People were like cannon shots aimed at the armor of capitalism. With De Leons none of the writings in the best of the Social Democratic sheets could be compared. There still remain to be told many happenings of the days of the so-called split and the campaign of 1900, a year there- ** deeply wounded the young movement which had been guided by the master-hand of Daniel De Leon to make straight for the proletarian revolution. Well may ^e deeds that inflicted the wounds upon the Socialist Labor Party be called the Crime of 1899. What slander failed to ac- complish the false prophets of reform sought to bring about...”
4

“... other S. L. P. organs published all announcements of meetings of the I W.W. with- out asking payment, no doubt some more of that De Leon- istic fanaticism, of which Socialist Party papers are utterly devoid. The night following the Debs meeting at Grand Central Palace, Debs, Sherman, and De Leon spoke in a large hall m the Bronx. Sam French was appointed by the District Coun- cil to act as chairman. French was late, and I had to act m his stead as chairman of this memorable meetingmemorable because the first where Debs and De Leon addressed an audi- ence together, and because both Debs and De Leon were at their best. Sherman was sandwiched in between the two and cut a sorry figure. t It was a grand meeting. The audience consisted of men and women from both the Socialist Labor Party and the So- cialist Party, members and sympathizers. Debs better than the one stenographically reported which he ha delivered the day before. De Leons speech was a master- piece The audience...”
5

“... Leon The greatness of this man will be recognized by the whole world. The members of the So'cialist Labor Party have held De Leon in high esteem, but not even the most loyal of his comrades could fully appreciate De Leons genius. His was a master mind. His hand has drawn the strategic plans that will give the working class the power to destroy the forts of capitalism and rear the structure of the Socialist Republic. De Leons actions were not prompted by impulse, instinct, whim or policy. The logical deductions of his scientific studies were at all times the determining factors guiding all of his acts. There are perhaps men who possess as much learning as did De Leon, but to be the possessor of knowledge and to give that knowledge acquired by long years of study to the disinherited class of working men and women is quite a dif- ferent matter. This De Leon did. Not only did he give all his knowledge to the working class, but his whole being as well. He was not only a...”
6

“... the ship, though many of the crew sought safety and in fear fell overboard or jumped to oblivion. The Pilot diligently watched the compass and steered his wheel. And his crew received inspiration from him, and cries were heard from a few that had left the ship that its course was insane; from a few that the Pilot was a poor navigator, that the promised land lay in the opposite direction and that he should steer backward. The sea became calmer, the horizon clearer. Some of the people who inhabited islands nearer to the great land thought him a master pilot, for he had dared go so far and they shout- ed encouragement to him. And in some of the islands crept reptiles that hissed defeat. But the Pilot stood at the wheel by night and by day, imparting great knowledge to the crew, solaced by the presence of his life-companion and of his chil- dren, making charts for the safety of future navigators. And he partook of little food that he might not lose sight of the compass. But...”
7

“... his name immortal; een though the fool has had it carved in stone on public edifice or shaft, he is as dead as is the stone itself. The king dies, and if the thing he stands for still survives, some lackey, to another figurehead bows low, and, rising, cries aloud: Long live the King! The great financial master dies, and though with pharisaic glee and much pretence, and gifts galore from his ill-gotten gains, he has besought the world to place his name upon the list of those who loved mankind, bis passing off amounts to...”
8

“...IW DANIEL DE LEONAN ORATION. He found the movement with no fixed purpose, drifting with every wind and tide, without compass or direction. It was a party of fuiion, confusion and compromise, lacking self-confidence and self-sufficiency, seeking to hide its weak- nesses behind the skirts of every movement, no matter how absurd, that professed to oppose the powers that be. It was a tail for the Greenback-Labor Party and the United Labor Party, and lost its identity as a Socialist movement in each, until the master hand of De Leon plucked it like a brand from the burning and established it as the only political party in America that was thoroughly self-sufficient and could stand alone, refusing compromise and condemning fusion the undaunted Socialist Labor Party. He gave it a purpose and a goal. He found it a movement in the hands of those, however well meaning, who could not grasp the genius or spirit of American institutions, and who while conforming in dress and...”
9

“..., uncertain, uncouth, un-American, in- articulate, almost dumb, and he left it a movement fit to take its place as the great movement of the age and to meet its opponents with vision clear, aim certain and tongue unloosed. And all this was in his time ascribed to him. Others may have aided in the work as unselfishly, and devotedly, and un- tiringly as he, but those who opposed the movement knew and recognized that he was the master mind that directed it all. For Some have been beaten till they know What wood a cudgels of by th blow; Some kicked until they can tell whether A shoe be Spanish or neats leather. And well they knew the feel of that Spanish kip, and they unwittingly honored him and recognized his worth, by desig- nating it all by one wordDe Leonism. Let no man shrink from that name, or fear to align him- self under that banner. It stands for clearness, courage, con- stancy, certainty. And as in its growth and development ev- ery unclear and unclean element within...”
10

“..., office-holding, cabinet-filling political Socialists had led the proletariat, and to draw with trenchant and inspiring pen the lessons that flow from it. But though his chair may be vacant at the council board of the workers of the world his spirit and counsel will yet animate them, and from the ashes of the old International will arise a new International built on the solid rock of both political and industrial organizationa political organization powerful enough to give the death blow to the capitalist State, backed by an industrial organization prepared and equipped to rear the Socialist Republic. De Leon, by neither act nor word, attempted to impress those whose advantage, social position, or education was in- ferior to his Own that he was master. He inculcated the principle that himself and they should submit to reason and the party rule. To guide them he used the art of persuasion and good example, which alone can secure sincere and lasting obedience. He was no head...”
11

“..., 126; schemes and trickery of, 129-130. Boring from within, method of introducing Socialist revolu- tionary principles known as, I. 7; Rudolph Katzs account of, II. 16-19. "Brotherhood of Booze, the, II. 92-94. Brower, William L., District Master Workman Knights of La- bor, II. 29; National Secretary Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance, 77. Bryan, William J., campaign of, in 1896, I. 15, 11. 37-40. Buffalo convention of Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance (1898), I. 17-18. Bummery stage reached by I. W. W., II. 147-148. Burns, John, delegate to convention of A. F. of L. at Denver (1894), II. 19; expressed attitude of, toward political ac- tion, 20. Bushe, F., editor of Workmens Advocate, II. 5. Cahan, Abraham, income of, from labor movement, II. 37; evil influence of, 54; dark practices of, 80. Caminita, Ludovico, delegate to third convention of L W. W., II. 131; speech by De Leon in answer to proposition of, 131-141. Carey, James F., Social Democratic alderman of...”
12

“...INDEX. XI Powderly, Terence V., crooked work of, in connection with Knights of Labor, I. 8; defeated for General Master Work- man Knights of Labor, II. 29. Preston, Morrie R., nominated for President by S. L. P. (1908), II. 148-149. Prince, Samuel, Tammany opponent of De Leon, II. 73-74, 84. Progressive Cigar Makers Union, the, II. 24-25. Pullman strike. Debs and the, II. 50-52. Questione Sociale, La, Italian Anarchist paper suppressed by Roosevelt, II. 131. Quinlan, Pat, letters hostile to De Leon written by, II. 143; De Leons letter concerning, 144. Raid on S. L. P. headquarters by opposition forces (July 10, 1899), I. 20-21, II. 67-69. Rappaport, Socialist of Indianapolis who joined Peoples Par- ty, II. 12. Reed, John, news from Russia brought by, I. 81. Reid, James P., Rhode Island assailant of S. L. P., I. 35, II. 93. Reilly, James, testimony of, against Algernon Lee, II. 118. Reimer, Arthur E., a speaker at Paterson, II. 160. Reinstein, B., delegate to...”
13

“...XIV INDEX. 46; forces opposed to, and their dark methods, 75-77; im- portant strikes conducted by, 77-78; appeals to race preju- dice against, 81-82; membership of, in I. W. W., l(fe-109; activities of, in I. W. W., 110-111. Socialist unity, hopelessness of, I. 65-66, Sotheran, Charles, Socialist spellbinder, II. IS. Sovereign, James R., General Master Workman, Knights of Labor, I. 8; course of, as General Master Workman, II. 29. Spargo, John, I. 48, 64. Stahl, Volkszeitung supporter in National Executive Commit- tee, Socialist Labor Party, I. 20. Stokes, J. G. Phelps, I. 48, 64. Stuttgart Congress, II. 130. Sue, Eugene, works of, translated by De Leon, I. 96, II. 98. Suesskind, delegate to S. L. P. convention, II. 32-33. Tageblatt, Das, Socialist publications entitled, II. 13-14. Tammany Hall fight against De Leon (1899), II. 73-74. Taxation, controversy over subject of, between New Yorker Volkszeitung and The People, I. 18-20; question made an issue by enemies...”