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1

“...influences, scenting the rising dan- ger, had provided the antidote by the formation of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor, in 1881, and the incessant fight it had carried on against the Order had told. But that alone would not have mattered so much had not these same capital- ist influences carried the corroding poison of corruption into the Order. Its management had slipped out of the hands of the element that had founded it and a set of crooked politi- cians, headed by one Terence V. Powderly, as General Mas- ter Workman, was at the helm. Thus, when De Leon entered the order, via D. A. 49, the organization had long ago passed its zenith and was on the downward part of the curve. But it still had respectable numbers and, with all the vim of his energetic personality, De Leon set to work to clean out that nest of fakers. He beat Powderly and made him quit, only to see him rewarded with a political job by the capitalist clas.s he had served so well. He beat Powderlys successor, a fel- low named...”
2

“...12 REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL DE LEON. York C. I. U., the United Hebrew Trades, located in old New York, and a small central body in Newark, N. J., but these did not materially affect the general situation here depicted, neither of them being factors in the sense described. The Brooklyn and the Newark bodies were composed of the same elements as was the New York C. L. F. and ran in the same rut in a different locality. The U. H. T., on the other hand, was not strong enough in those days greatly to affect the complexion of the Alliance as a whole. Immediately upon the formation of the S. T. & L. A., opposi- tion began to raise its head, at first rather unde- fined and impalpable, but taking shape and coming out into the open after the national convention of the S. L. P., held in 1896, had endorsed the S. T. & L. A. What is here rapidly sketched embodied, of course, an enormous amount of work of which De Leon had an ample share. He was in- defatigable, speaking, lecturing, organizing, both in...”
3

“...endorsements even if he knows them to be worthless as vote producers, while on the industrial field strikes may be threatened, may be called and may be settled; labels and union stamps may be granted and may be with- held, all of which furnishes endless opportunities for the labor crook to feather his own nest at the expense and over the hack of his rank and file. All of this is rather self-evident and would scarcely deserve mention were it not for the bane- ful effect that condition has upon the general Labor move- ment and, necessarily, upon its revolutionary wing as well. New York City has, during the last thirty years or so, furnished another striking example of the indigenous growth of the American labor faker. At the time when, due to the industrial expansion of Germany the immigration of work- ers from that country began to slow up, a heavy Jewish im- migration began to set in, tending to transform or at least to affect, vitally, the character of the citys population. Jewish onions were...”
4

“...REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL DE LEON. 17 Partys policy in local organizations, then in ever more con- certed attempts to have that policy reversed by forcing one general vote after the other upon the Party organization, and, when all this failed, by an open attack in the editorial columns of the New Yorker Volkszeitung, which paper, quite naturally, became the rallying point of the conspirators. By the time the Volkszeitung editorial attack was made, things had already come to a head and the fight was on in earnest. Tommy Morgan at Buffalo Concurrently with this work of mining and sapping within the Party organization, the same kind of work was carried on in the C. L. F., the rather rotten filling in the warp of the S. T. & L. A. Open conflict with the C. L. F. was hastened when, in a Labor Day souvenir issued by that body, advertisements of capitalist politicians appeared, and when the body itself could not be made to take a decided stand against the enterprising fakers who had engineered that...”
5

“...head. The con- spirators had a narrow margin of votes in their favor, yet were powerless to do much with it. A running fight ensued, but before the convention adjourned De Le*n was compelled, for some imperative reason, to return to New York. Before he left we held a council of war at which it was agreed that, whenever the majority tried to put through some crooked motion bearing upon the fight, which naturally meant at- tempted exoneration of the fakers, I was to move to refer such matter to a general vote of the membership. That was done. I made the necessary motions; Comrade Jacob Alex- ander, of Albany, N. Y., seconded them. The situation was such that the majority could not hold its vote together to op- pose such motions, some of their adherents not daring to vote against, the result being that every such motion was car- ried to so refer. After that convention the S. T. & L. A. and the C. L. F. parted company. Prior to that convention, the Volkszeitung element and its co-conspirators within...”
6

“...20 REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL DE LEON. finally caused the National Executive Committee of the Party to submit to the membership, for a general vote, the questionr Shall the Party sever all connections between it and the So- cialistic Co-operative Publishing Association; continue, through its National Executive Committee, the publication of its or- gans, The People and Vorwaerts, and demand from the said Association the unconditional surrender of all property be- longing to the said organs, including their respective mailing lists and the amount of subscriptions paid in advance? The Volkszeitung was now at the parting of the ways Repudiation by the Party was staring it in the face and the situation, from its point of view, was growing desperate. At the very outset there was no doubt how that vote would g and, as returns began to come in, speculation as to the out- come became certainty. The aforesaid call for the genera! vote, accompanied by a statement that set forth the succes- sive developments...”
7

“...memorable conflict would lead me too far afield. These details have been set forth, exhaustively and documentarily, in the "Proceedings of the Tenth National Convention of the Socialist Labor Party, to which the student of Party history must be referred. That midnight raid of July 10th was no mere riotous outburst. Far from it. It was premedidated, had a definite purpose and was based upon a theory. This was the theory: On Sun- day, July 9, 1899, there appeared in the Volkszeitung a call for a fake General Committee meeting of Section Greater New York, to be held next day. At this meeting the con- spirators gathered and proceeded to depose all Party of- ficers, local, state and national. Then they "elected" a new set of "officers, whereupon, after gathering numerous and promiscuous re-enforcements, and, after providing these with sundry weapons, they came down to the Party headquarters demanding surrender of what they claimed was theirs. They got "theirs. After the fight was over, it was De Leons...”
8

“...in his every word and every deed, was and is a standing reproach to the Volkszeitung element, a reproach growing more formidable as time passes on. National Convention of 1900 We now arrive at the time of the national convention of the Party, held in New York, June 2 to June 8, 1900, the largest, the most enthusiastic and the most fateful conven- tion the Party had ever held. Prior to the convention, the local and general situation, having shaped itself as the result of the bitter strife, had led to premature action towards the establishment of the Daily People. At a general meeting of the membership of New York and vicinity, called to consider this matter, a plausible statement was submitted which tried to show how, by doing this and by not doing something else, the funds in hand would be sufficient to see the venture through. Not being able to see things in the rosy light pre- sented, I opposed, but such was the enthusiasm of the meet- ing, such the desire for action that would place...”
9

“...28 REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL DE LEON. was not a strange species to me and I knew the pure and simple union to be largel}- dominated by capitalist interests and even permeated by bourgeois ideology, but I did not for- get that most of these organizations were, nevertheless, formed in obedience to the pressure of the class struggle and that they furnished a legitimate field for our propaganda. The exception, when such unions are formed at the behest of the boss, does not alter this general fact. When such organiza- tions were formed, our men, as a rule better equipped than their fellow workers, w'ere looked to to take office. Forced to decline, because their Party forbid it, they were placed in a position which to maintain required more than can be ex- pected from the average man. Instead of the rank and file being impressed with the rectitude of their stand, it worked the other way. The rank and file naturally regarded such an attitude as an act of hostility against themselves, regarded the...”
10

“...rounded himself, with an element which, far below him in mental status, ably assisted him on the downward path. he mechanical department of the paper became demoralized and things came to such a pass that the N. E. C had to inter- fere. The legal obstacles that had, in 1900, led to the forma- tion of the Board of Trustees had disappeared; the Volks- zeitung had been beaten in court and we were in undisputed possession of the paper. Impelled by the situation prevail- ing, the N. E. C, initiated a general vote of the Party to so...”
11

“...they might secure some sort of rump convention and split the Party. Still another lampoon came from a set of malcontents m New York, styling themselves a Committee of 31, of which one Herman Simpson was the reputed author, but that de- serves but passing mention. The Pierce lampoon was an- swered by the N. E. C. in a manner that squelched that gen- tleman. The Curran-Reid-Keiser affair was met in a way that gave the Party membership a chance to attend to the squelch- ing thereof. A call for a general vote was issued and when that vote had been counted there was but little more to be said on the subject. The Simpson lampoon the N. E. C. paid no attention to at all, but Section New York did, with the re- sult that the Committee of 31 also vanished from the scene. Pierces Self-Photography When the Pierce lampoon made its appearance, De Leon had received a copy, mailed to him by Pierce himself as ap- pears from De Leons letter to me on this subject. This let- ter is characteristic of De Leon...”
12

“...five sections endorsement to serve as a basis for a real call for a general vote to hold a convention, to be issued by the N. E. C. If, however, this is not so, and R. I. has actually presumed to exercise N. E. C. functions, then their conduct is a glaring violation of the constitution. If the matter is legitimate, I would counsel you to raise no objections to sub- mitting the proposition to a general vote for a convention, just as soon as the necessary number of sections has endorsed it. Only, the N. E. C. in fixing the date, should see to it that it does not conflict with the campaign.. While I see a possibility of the R. I. call not being il- legitimate, I must admit that the conduct of those who seem to be running affairs there of late, does not justify the opinion that the call may not really be illegitimate. It is certainly possible that they have wholly lost their heads, and have ac- tually issued a call for a general vote to hold a convention. Government must be with the consent of...”
13

“...and thus countenance Anarchy, then, I say, they are hopelessly gone, and the Party organization is foundered. But all this remains to be seen. It may be well to have a letter-box answer stating the constitutional provi- sions on this head, and bringing out the point that, in order to secure the endorsement of the requisite number of sec- tions, a section could communicate with many or all, but that the vote of the sections on such a communication is not and can not be a vote on a call for a general vote to hold a con- vention. Such a call can only issue from the N. E. C. I duly received your letter of Sunday, June 29th. It, to- gether with the committees reports in the Daily People gave me a good idea of the Conspiracy of the Pinheads. What self-photography by the men who shout bosses, tyranny, etc. I sent you yesterday a telegram to the Picnic grounds cheering the Daily. Did not get todays People, and cant tell whether it reached you. We had a lovely July 4th. Fraternally, D. De Leon....”
14

“...42 REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL DE LEON. that he cant know that my purpose in going off on a vacation was to escape the general wreck. And I also need not as- sure you that for penetration and acumen I, for one, would not go to Frank [Frank is McDonalds first name.K.]. The general wreck will be the fate of the pin-heads. I have, however, a pretty clear idea that the S. L. P. is about to cast off a slough. Some meat may have to be dropped or torn off along with the slough; and then the organization will burn more intensely and scorch the carcasses of the field more mercilessly than ev?r. The only thing I am now keeping my eyes on is the conduct of the sections. Will these deport themselves as the occasion requires? If they do, all is well. Even if I have to live on bread and water, I shall then fall to. The occasion is critical, and as promiseful as it is critical. No wonder the owlish pin-heads are in a flutter. All the same, I hope the Daily People finances will mend so that I may not need...”
15

“...felt the urge to meet and annihi- late these fellows, as surely he would have done had the con- vention been decided iipon in a regular constitutional man- ner. I did not see the situation in that light at all, not believ- ing for a second that the S. L. P. membership could be stam- peded into voting for a special convention demanded by such men employing such methods. De Leon sizes up Curran quite correctly when he says the man hoped that the N. E, C. make the mistake of refusing to call for a general vote as that would have given him an opening to call a rump convention. De Leons next letter reads; Milford, Ct., July 8, 1902. morning your two letters en- I am glad to see they do not the Party. They make a show I would close my eyes at the false pretense, and call the thing simply irregular. Let them come to the convention. But I urge you not to oppose the holding of a convention. Remember, that many a man is merely roped into endorsing such a R. I. proposition, but if the N. E. C. acts in...”
16

“... into the belief that we were afraid, and have something to hide. If the N. E. C. issues a call along the lines indicated, I would urge that the tone of judicial calmness and neutrality be preserved. Make no mistake about it: Curran expects no general vote to be called by the N. E. C. on whether a con- vention shall be called or not. Such a call will be a bomb- shell in his house. Let not the ex-Jesuit Seminarist Curran walk into capitalist political preferment upon the strength of carrying the scalp of the S. L. P. dangling from his belt. The unconstitutionality of his course, though expected by him to act upon the N. E. C. like a red rag before a bull, is so clever- ly woven that it will fail to strike many, and nothing but a call for a general vote by the N. E. C. itself, with the Curran charges for the subject of the special convention, will save such members. I have said enough. We have knocked him out at each move. We can knock him out for good now, and clear the atmosphere immensely...”
17

“...REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL DE LEON. 47 to issue a call for a general vote on the question of holding a special convention, thereby enabling Curran to try and get together a rump convention to split the Party; and, the other, that a portion of the membership might be shaken by the wild charges made by the Curran committee. Neither of these apprehensions had any basis in fact. The N. E. C. never dreamed of playing into Currans hands, having from the first made up its mind as to what he was up to. In due time the call for the vote was issued on the initiative of the N. E. C. and September 15, 1902, was the date set for the vote to close. That call laid the Curranites out flat. In gathering my mate- rial for this work, I had to reread it and I enjoyed every word of it. The fact that Curran had been the chairman of the Committee on Constitution and had, in that capacity, reported to the 1900 national convention the very constitution that now he wanted so nonchalantly set aside, was used as the...”
18

“...48 REMINISCENCES OF DANIEL DE LEON. Eccentric Centrists But still another nest of treason had to be cleaned out at Pittsburgh, Pa., where a coterie of lightweights, whose vanity had been stimulated by Sanial having made them be- lieve, which they gladly did, that they were the logical cen- ter of the United States and that, therefore, they were the right men in the right place to take a hand in this general en- deavor to save the Party. They had all along held that to them should go the seat of the N. E. C. and they thought that now had come the time for them to act. Accordingly, they sent an investigation committee to New York, evidently ex- pecting to find there disaster, confusion and chaos, plus a disposition to hand over to them the whole Party, boots and baggage. Finding none of these things, nor any sign of the aforesaid disposition, they returned to Pittsburgh and set up an S. L. P. of their own. But this eccentric creation of the logical centrists was not to be of long duration...”
19

“...that he would learn, adapt himself and break in in time. Before long, however, he de- veloped other traits, assumed an attitude of hostility towards De Leon and began to intrigue against him. A situation arose that finally led to his resignation at the session of the N. E. C. held from Jan. 5 to 8, 1908. His place had to be filled temporarily, pending the election of a permanent suc- cessor, and I had to jump into the breach to take charge of the office until the vacancy could be filled by a general vote. For a short time this brought me again in close touch with the affairs of the Party and, also, with De Leon....”
20

“...powers to free itself, from ever coming together and, with common purpose, act as one united force on both the political and the economic field. This S. P. reasoning strikes one as though the working class were composed of two parts; one part consisting of "political men and women and the other part consisting of economic men and women and that the twain will never meet. We, of the S. L. P., who perceive the working class to be composed of an aggregation of individual units, having the same general interests as against the interests of their capitalist exploiters, can not pos- sibly accept that sort of reasoning; to us this pretended dualism appears to be the rankest kind of treasonable non- sense, calculated to confuse and bewilder and divide the working class in its struggle for freedom that calls for united action in any direction made possible by our form of social organization. But we also perceive that this apparent non-...”